Wednesday, March 7, 2007

INDIA'S CIVIL SERVICE
Where bureaucrats prefer to stick to the old ways


KEVIN RAFFERTY
   
Prev. Story | Next Story



--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

     


"Welcome to India's first fully computerised post office", say the signs at the Parliament Street head post office in New Delhi. Sure enough, there are clerks with their heads bent over computers in the back office; and computers are in reach of most of the counters dealing with such things as money orders, postal savings, provident fund, insurance and Speed Post.
The place is also much less chaotic than it used to be in the old days, when Parliament Street had more than 300 counters - each with its own rugby scrum of customers, and don't you dare stray into another scrum or you'll be sent to the back of the pack.

But there is still one thing that the Indian liberalising economists and politicians have failed to do - computerise the brains of the clerks, let alone dare to endow them with some capacity for thought.

Stamps, for example, are still necessary for sending letters, and stamps go back in India to 1852. But if you want stamps at Parliament Street, there are no machines or computers to dispense them. You have to apply to a person, and the person sometimes seems on his or her own planet.

There was no queue, but the two men on duty at the stamp counter were quite preoccupied with their own chitchat for five minutes until disturbed by a colleague. I presume he was a colleague because he reached over the counter and lodged his motorcycle helmet somewhere underneath while chatting to the two clerks on duty.

Then he disappeared behind an opaque glass screen, probably to do some more chatting before actually reporting for duty.

Finally, the clerks issuing stamps finished with their urgent personal matters and had time to spare for the customer. "I would like some stamps for sending postcards abroad: 10, please," I said. He took out some very humdrum-looking four- rupee stamps of a painted stork, and told me to attach two to each card.

I asked if he had any more interesting varieties, but he said no, that was the philatelic department - and he waved me vaguely somewhere round the corner.

I stuck the stamps on the cards and handed them over to the clerk who had sold them, hoping he would frank them. Franking had to be done elsewhere, he explained, pointing me to another counter.

There was no one on that counter, so I set off in search of the philately section - which turned out to be right next to the man who had sold me the stamps, with not even a flimsy partition between them.

But no one was there, and no sign said that this was the philately counter; or that the officer on duty was out to lunch, visiting the bathroom or on holiday - as post offices in any other country might inform you, out of courtesy.

After another 10 minutes of flitting between the empty franking counter and the empty philately counter, I saw a woman return to the latter. She proceeded to take an age to store her purse, pull her stamps out of a drawer and open another drawer to count her money. She looked quite cross when I had the temerity to ask if  she had the newly issued rose stamps for Valentine's Day.

Instead, she presented me with a stamp of a carved elephant, emitting a heady smell of sandalwood. Only when I had bought it did she bring out the rose stamps, with their overpowering scent of roses. Two weeks later, the fragrance is still stunning, and has a calming effect.

I went back to the franking counter and the young man there duly franked the cards and handed them back to me. "No", I said, "please process them." He replied: "But I don't work here."

Spending a few extra minutes in the post office smelling the roses is hardly a hardship at all, but it is worrying in other places that the babus, or clerks, in charge continue in their own stubborn way.

Earlier in the day I went with an old Indian friend to the Home Ministry to try to discuss a visa issue. My friend has some influence, so we bypassed the initial queue where people take a number and wait for an hour or so to get a chance to explain the problem.

He talked to a mid-ranking official, who said that the matter was best discussed with a senior official - adding with pride that it was better to set aside a whole day for the wait. My friend was disgusted by that attitude, which essentially declared that "we are in charge and take pride in making you wait".

So he went, unannounced, to the house of the vice-president of India, an elected official, not an unelected babu, who kept him waiting for all of 15 minutes before they spent 45 minutes in discussions.

At the airport leaving India, it took 50 minutes to negotiate a security queue that Hong Kong airport would have disposed of in five minutes. The reason soon became clear - not one, but two khaki-uniformed security staff were checking bags. They were stopping the scanning machines for up to five minutes at a time to do the searches, plus time off for their own chitchat.

The person in front of me had her bag opened "because you have liquid in it" - which turned out to be a packet of tea. I had my bag opened "because you have metal in it" - yes, a camera. I groaned at why it took so long. "We have to make sure that everything is secure," the security detail said. "I would feel more secure if you were not so insecure," I replied.

India's economic take-off has brought impressive changes, but they would be more impressive still if the people running the mid-level bureaucracy could be reprogrammed to think - or at least to serve the customers - instead of stubbornly following their own, old rule book.

Kevin Rafferty is a political commentator.




http://focus.scmp.com/focusnews/ZZZJ0S5AWYE.html

Perhaps in an ideal world, people all across Asia would simply ignore the sad Japanese leader who slides embarrassingly and inelegantly into seemingly pointless denial over the comfort women issue of the second world war. Perhaps in another world that sight would prompt concern about the leader's mental health rather than abject contempt for his soul.
It would arguably be better for the equanimity of all concerned if they could simply accept that, in the largely ageing sector of Japanese society, there remain older people whose stubbornness over the issue of war-time atrocities will follow them to the grave. And further, that youthful Japanese simply and understandably refuse to accept finger-pointing from Asian leaders for something they did not do.

  
Remember that Japan remains, to its honour and credit, a largely pacifist and non-nuclear nation. This is not true of China and it may not be true of North Korea - two of Japan's traditional enemies. Nor is it true of the United States, the one country that has used atomic weapons - dropping them on Japan.

It is in such a context that the declared moral superiority of Korean and Chinese leaders becomes a more clouded issue. If more in Asia were to face up to their own issues of inhumanity, the entire region would become a far better place; and the exercise of lecturing the old, grumpy and hopeless moral holdouts in Japan more pointed and effective.

This observation is as true of China as of anyone, so the world must welcome a recent admission by Premier Wen Jiabao . He openly admitted that not all of his country's problems should be attributed to foreign aggression and imperialism: "Since the founding of our new China, our socialist construction has had great achievements. However, our biggest mistake - especially the Cultural Revolution disaster of 10 years - lost us a great chance to develop."

Government policies killed maybe half a million people during the Cultural Revolution; official neglect and incompetence during the Great Leap Forward took the lives of maybe 30 million. In sheer numbers, these self-inflicted tolls dwarf atrocities like the brutal Rape of Nanking by the Japanese imperial army.

Mr Wen increases his clarity and credibility on these regional issues by displaying candour about his country's own destructive past. By the same logic, Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe loses a lot of ground by denying that the Japanese army forcibly drafted countless Asian women into sexual slavery for the enjoyment of its soldiers.

Seoul and Beijing have registered official complaints but, so far, neither has gone notably ballistic over Mr Abe's Hamlet-like retreat from reality. In fact, the less they say, the worse and more isolated Mr Abe looks; the more they say, the more the Japanese people - especially younger ones - doubt their sincerity and dismiss them as politically motivated.

The Japanese public is the only force in Asia with the power to deal decisively with the disappointing Mr Abe, who started so promisingly last autumn by reaching out to Seoul and Beijing. But his stature has shrunk like a fast-ageing lemon ever since.

Their opportunity will come in July, when half the seats in the upper house of Japan's legislature go to the voters. If the governing Liberal Democratic Party loses control of the largely symbolic chamber, the party itself may blame Mr Abe, whose public-opinion ratings have gone limp.

The unfavorable upper house election of 1998 caused the resignation of then prime minister Ryutaro Hashimoto.

It would be unseemly for an American columnist to profess a winning or losing interest in a foreign election. But if Japan's prime minister is in retreat from international moral responsibility, it is the job of his sovereign masters to remove him.

The Japanese political system needs to offer the world a new prime minister soon. Perhaps the next leader will publicly apologise for the immensely inappropriate and insulting remarks of his predecessor. They only shame a rightly proud and otherwise awesome nation



http://focus.scmp.com/focusnews/ZZZQC2CZZYE.html

While most Hongkongers are enjoying the fun of watching two chief executive election candidates sling mud at each other, I am in Beijing attending the annual meetings of the National People's Congress and the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference.
One morning this week, I sat in the Great Hall and watched the gathering of about 6,000 people repeatedly applaud during Premier Wen Jiabao's annual report to the State Council. Judging from the overwhelming reaction, I can safely assert that should there be a popular election, both President Hu Jintao and Mr Wen would no doubt enjoy a landslide victory. But, as we all know, there is no universal suffrage on the mainland and very few people are seriously clamouring for it.

  
Most Chinese regard democracy as a means to good governance rather than a basic human right. As long as people are happy minding their own business, they do not much care how their government comes about. A government that is not doing a good job is a bad government, whether or not it was popularly elected. In the case of a bad, elected government, theoretically people can throw it out of office in the next election. In reality, though, the incumbent government, with enormous resources at its disposal, can always find a way to stay in power.

Democracy is neither a guarantee of a good government nor an effective way to get rid of a bad one. Thousands of years of recorded Chinese history prove just one point: when there's a really bad government, the people's only option is to throw it out violently. The mere possibility of an uprising is an effective deterrent to any political group that seriously wants to stay in power.

The ruling Communist Party is on record as constantly reminding itself about the risk of "losing the country and the party" if it misbehaves. In the back of their minds, Beijing leaders know that their only justification for staying in power is to deliver. They have kept doing that, and they are still there, enjoying extremely high popularity.

On the mainland, officialdom is a highly competitive arena. Civil servants must compete for a five-year term. They are assessed by an elaborate system with an ever-more-demanding set of criteria. They will be kicked out should they make mistakes.

Many Hong Kong officials would not be qualified in the first place, and could not survive in this harsh environment. Yet this is the tradition of the Chinese civil service.

In the Chinese tradition, the country is run by an elite with a common view of morality - be it Confucian or communist. It is governed by meritocracy rather than populism, and in that respect it's closer to the western ideal of the "philosopher king".

Democracy, in the sense of public participation, serves two vital functions. First, public engagement provides new perspectives and new ideas. Second, it serves to monitor the system and adjust its course. In the old days, these two functions relied heavily on the benevolence of rulers. Now we think in terms of a system of checks and balances under a legal and institutional framework.

Such a framework is currently under construction at a hectic pace. In our current phase, we still have to count on the goodwill of the ruling party and its leaders. Also, the construction period is messy: it will inevitably inconvenience some people. For example, press freedom is to a certain degree sacrificed, but the trend - and the ultimate objective - is towards openness and transparency.

This is baloney, of course, to democratic fundamentalists. But let us think of the alternative: a rapid embrace of completely open and competitive elections in China - with 1.3 billion people living across vast geographical diversity. The risks - as experienced in other democracies - are simply too high even to think about it seriously.

Many people still believe stereotypes about mainland China's political system as authoritarian. Just a casual visit would prove that it's a lot more free and open than many people imagine. As the record shows, the ruling party makes very good decisions for the welfare of the people.

Lau Nai-keung is a Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference delegate.


http://focus.scmp.com/focusnews/ZZZEAD1TZYE.html

Monday, March 12, 2007

EDITORIAL/LEADER
Extra cash no cure for health system's ills



  
Next Story



--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

   Our public health system is constantly having greater demands imposed on it. With an ageing society like Hong Kong's, this is unavoidable: the older the population, the greater the need for medical treatment and, subsequently, the higher the costs.
The government well knows this, which is why Financial Secretary Henry Tang Ying-yen proposed a 2.4 per cent increase in the Hospital Authority's budget for this financial year to HK$28.6 billion. As the authority's executive director Shane Solomon has revealed, it will be mainly spent on employing hundreds more doctors and buying equipment.

  
Given the strains the authority is under, these are necessary moves. But they are only interim, short-term sticking plasters to a wound that requires bolder steps to ensure sustained healing.

Well-trained and dedicated medical professionals are the centrepiece of a properly run health-care system. Hong Kong's government has been fortunate to have such people in its public hospitals and clinics and the dividends are clearly shown in the high quality treatment available. The standards are so good that demand for private medical insurance is relatively low here compared with other parts of the world.

But cracks have been showing, as highlighted by complaints in recent years by doctors about the long hours they have been working. Some have been forced to work for 36 hours at a stretch, a situation that is not good for their health and morale, or the patients they are tending. They took the authority to court and a year ago, judges held that they should be compensated for working on their rest days and statutory holidays. A HK$400 million compensation deal was later struck.

Mr Solomon is now making good with pledges to shorten doctors' working hours by hiring more medics. He has not stipulated the ideal number of hours they should work, although this should be in line with other recognised centres of medical excellence such as Britain and Australia, where doctors work shifts of no more than 13 and 16 hours respectively. Reducing hours to such levels would be a step in the right direction.

Improving standards with the latest equipment also is necessary. Medicine is constantly evolving, with new findings leading to better treatments. More advanced equipment is an important part of modern medicine.

But health care is not just about spending money. Efficient and cost-effective service also has to be provided, especially when it is being paid for out of the public purse. Mr Solomon appreciates this; he has suggested that nighttime emergency wards be reduced in number. This is a sound suggestion, provided that it is thought through carefully so that lives are not put at risk.

As worthy as these recommendations are, they do not directly broach the issue of health-care financing reform, a pressing matter that the government is avoiding. The older the population gets, the more urgent the need, and with the population's median age at 39.4 - and rising - prompt action is necessary.

The government has ordered several studies and consultation exercises on the issue over the past decade, to no avail. It reformed the relevant advisory committee in 2005 and said concrete proposals would be released by the end of last year. The exercise was again postponed, apparently until after the election for chief executive later this month.

Health-care financing reform is a matter of urgency, but the government is not taking it seriously. Mr Solomon's suggestions go some way to rectifying problems within the public hospital system, but do not deal with the wider concerns. Efforts to tackle those have to begin in earnest this year. Delaying the inevitable will only make the impact of the decisions taken more difficult to endure.




http://focus.scmp.com/focusnews/ZZZNRJ1TZYE.html

Tuesday, March 13, 2007

CHIEF EXECUTIVE DEBATE II
A strange case of missing support


TSANG YOK-SING
   
Prev. Story | Next Story



--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

   To Civic Party members and their allies, Alan Leong Kah-kit was definitely the winner in the March 1 election debate. They described his performance as "brilliant", and "much better than in [their] wildest dreams".
They cited the "poor performance" of Chief Executive Donald Tsang Yam-kuen, and said he was hesitant and awkward because he "had to defend unpopular government policies". Civic Party leader Audrey Eu Yuet-mee said: "The reason why [Mr Leong] did so well was because he actually believed in what he said."

  
Mr Tsang's supporters, however, had an entirely different impression of the debate. They claimed the contest showed beyond any doubt that Mr Tsang was much better qualified to be the head of government. They contrasted Mr Tsang's "sensible and pragmatic pledges" with the "empty slogans" of Mr Leong.

One said: "Mr Tsang obviously performed far better, with a clear mindset, and the policies he raised were first class. Mr Leong failed to make it." One can hardly expect supporters to give unbiased assessments of their candidate's performance - at least, not in public. An objective observer would probably agree that Mr Leong exhibited superior debating skills, while Mr Tsang displayed a better command of public administration.

Also, as commentators have noted, Mr Leong was on the offensive and Mr Tsang on the defensive for most of the debate. This is not surprising, given that Mr Tsang is the incumbent and Mr Leong the challenger. The latter's strategy was to attack his opponent in areas where members of the public may have grievances against the government, like constitutional development, conservation and education.

He had only to point out the problems and inadequacies of existing government policies, and did not feel compelled to provide solutions. Mr Tsang, on the other hand, had to be very careful when discussing controversial public policy issues. He could not express any views inconsistent with government policy, nor make any promises he might not be able to fulfil.

Mr Tsang had to guard against saying anything that could embarrass the present or next governments; Mr Leong could score points by doing just that. Apart from prudence, Mr Tsang's meekness and self-restraint could have been a deliberate tactic: according to one of his campaign strategists, Mr Tsang had been advised to "deliver his pledges with modesty and humility" in order to appeal to the public more effectively.

Everyone knows Mr Tsang has a guaranteed second term, and the key goal of his election campaign is to keep his popularity high. His aides believe that, to retain the goodwill of the people, he should avoid showing any arrogance and never lose his temper in public. As one said: "So long as we can maintain Mr Tsang's high popularity rating, we're okay with this debate." Polls conducted after the debate seem to prove the success of this restrained tactic. A poll co-sponsored by the South China Morning Post, for example, found that Mr Tsang "continued to lead his rival by a wide margin in public support" after the debate.

Moreover, 46.3 per cent of respondents in the poll believed Mr Tsang performed better in the debate, while 33.7 per cent were more impressed with Mr Leong. Other surveys gave similar results. Mr Leong gained a few percentage points in popular support, but Mr Tsang still led by a ratio of over three to one - his support apparently not affected at all.

Televised election debates elsewhere have caused significant swings in popular support for candidates. If the March 1 debate had little such impact here, then either the public saw fewer contrasts in their performance than political analysts did, or Hongkongers attach less importance to election debates than expected.

Some may argue that it was not a genuine election debate, since only a few hundred people are entitled to vote. But if that concern were really important, then surely the public would have been more supportive of Mr Leong's performance, since universal suffrage is part of his political platform.


The fact remains that, when asked to choose the most suitable candidate for the next chief executive - before and after the debate - the proportion that picked Mr Tsang remained largely unchanged. Another debate is set for Thursday; this time, members of the public will ask questions instead of Election Committee members. It is unlikely that we will see big differences, however, both in the candidates' performance or in subsequent poll results.

Tsang Yok-sing is a directly elected legislator for Kowloon West and a member of the Election Committee.



http://focus.scmp.com/focusnews/ZZZVDM1TZYE.html

Wednesday, March 14, 2007

EDITORIAL/LEADER
Cadres turn deaf ear to well-intentioned words



  
Next Story



--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

   While delegates to the National People's Congress and Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference sessions in Beijing have been reiterating leaders' calls to build a peaceful and harmonious nation, 1,300km to the south, in Hunan province , villagers angry over an 80 per cent rise in bus fares have been battling riot police. The incident is embarrassing proof that what gets said in the capital is often meaningless to the people at whom such words are directed.
President Hu Jintao and Premier Wen Jiabao have long been talking of harmony and stability. Launching Lunar New Year celebrations last year, they took a joint stance, saying the way ahead for the nation lay in creating a harmonious society.

  
The annual meeting in October of the Communist Party's Central Committee took the pledge a step further, formally adopting President Hu's proposal to "build a harmonious socialist society". Since then, words like harmony, peace and stability have been frequently heard when issues such as rural development, land seizures, corruption, the migrant workforce, Taiwan and Tibet have come up.

Given the emphasis being placed on the concept, it is deeply ironic that as delegates were praising its merits, a teenager was reportedly killed and dozens injured in Zhushan village in a confrontation with authorities that has been raging since Friday.

The protest began when public bus fares were increased from 5 yuan to  9 yuan - an amount that would raise hackles in far more affluent Hong Kong, as happened in 1966 when fares on the Star Ferry were lifted by a comparatively modest 25 per cent. Then, three days of riots left one person dead and several dozen injured. More than 1,000 were arrested.

Farmers in Zhushan approached local government officials about the fare rise and were answered with busloads of thugs sent to enforce the increase. Police backed the officials.

Social harmony, as envisaged by President Hu and others, is about consultation and transparency, backed by good governance and the rule of law. At the grass-roots level, it has meant democracy in rural areas through the election of local officials. Broadening the system through all levels of society will achieve the goals of harmony, peace and stability, the message goes.

As worthy as this sounds, it is worthless if it is not implemented with determination. The farmers found, to their cost, that the consultative process promised by the central government had little meaning for those setting the rules in their village.

Such is the case for many other rules and regulations formulated in Beijing and enshrined in law. The sessions of the NPC and CPPCC have been considering many such drafts in recent days and will soon vote on them and turn them into legislation.

But while reform of the legal system and the enacting of laws on private property - among the raft of measures that will be approved - is essential, implementation throughout the nation remains a sticking point. As long as this is the case, the ills of mainland society - social disturbances and their causes (corruption, illegal land grabs and the like) - will prevail.

President Hu's vision is grounded in tried and tested thinking. What it lacks is the backing of the protective measures well-functioning societies have at their core: a free media, strong rule of law, transparent government and a process for citizens to have their voices heard.

What has occurred at Zhushan highlights the need for such an all-embracing approach. If the mechanism for hearing grievances had been in place, tragedy could have been avoided.

President Hu and his fellow leaders meeting in Beijing this week would do well to heed the lesson. They are considering reforms with far-reaching implications that have the good of the nation at heart, but they need to make stronger efforts to ensure that their intentions can be put into practice.


http://focus.scmp.com/focusnews/ZZZ53VFJ8ZE.html

Thursday, March 15, 2007

EDITORIAL/LEADER
Property law sows right seeds for rural harmony



  
Next Story



--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

   With the gap between rich and poor on the mainland ever-widening, finding fault with the central government's approach to alleviating rural poverty is not difficult. Now that the director of the Jiangsu Academy of Agricultural Sciences has pointed this out in the most public of ways - to delegates of the National People's Congress - authorities would do well to take heed and consider the proffered alternatives.
Beijing's strategy to deal with the uneven development of the nation has been to throw money at the problem in the form of subsidies to farmers. In total, the amount is impressive, but so too is the number of unemployed people living in rural areas who are migrating to the economic hot spots of the east coast.

  
The result has been that while those in cities and towns are in the vanguard of the economic miracle and becoming increasingly wealthy, the 60 per cent of the nation's people living in rural regions have been receiving meaningless amounts of cash and remaining in poverty.

This, as the central government should have learned by now, is a recipe for instability. The tens of thousands of disputes involving violence each year have clearly indicated the need for reform.

President Hu Jintao and Premier Wen Jiabao have not been dumb to the challenge, hence their calls for social harmony. The congress' approval of legislation enshrining private property rights will go some way towards attaining that goal.

This law will mean much to farmers, until now uncertain about their right to land that has often been in family hands for many generations. Rural land seizures by officials and companies for all manner of projects - golf courses and luxury property developments among them - have been the cause for many of the protests by rural communities.

Ensuring that the property law is implemented and policed is essential for Beijing, given the unrest that has occurred. This is easier said than done, if the central government's track record on enacting legislation is any guide. It must do so, though, if social stability throughout the nation is to be assured.

Experience elsewhere in the world has shown the value of such a policy. Ensuring farmers the right to land encourages them to make investments that maximise productivity and income. This, in turn, increases their purchasing power.

Land rights also generate non-agricultural employment, as the ability of farmers to spend more money stimulates the rural consumer market. Farming families become more anchored to their communities, making for less migration to cities in search of jobs. Lastly, more political stability ensues from farmers having their own land through their greater stake in their community.

This is only part of the answer to rectifying the disparity in wealth. Just as essential as protecting property rights is, as the academy director indicated, permitting market forces to hold sway in determining the prices of farm produce.

The government's subsidies have been keeping these prices artificially low, making for minimal returns for farmers. Freer prices will raise their returns and, subsequently, increase their wealth.

With such a large percentage of China's population tied to the soil, it would be wrong to portray the benefits from property rights and market liberalisation as being the panacea in themselves to bridging the wealth gap. The government must also properly implement such policies and ensure that the officials who enact them are above corruption.

Nor will change come about quickly. Putting such reforms into practice among a population the size of the mainland's is a daunting task for any government, let alone one that is evolving. Teething problems are inevitable.

Beijing is taking the bold step of property reform, but this, in itself, is only part of the solution to rural stability. Economic liberalisation, ensuring implementation and tackling corruption are as important.

Only this way can the harmony leaders seek be attained.



http://focus.scmp.com/focusnews/ZZZWOXFJ8ZE.html

Friday, March 16, 2007

EDITORIAL/LEADER
Disputes over medicines putting lives at risk



   
Prev. Story | Next Story



--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

   The international rules are straightforward: at no time should intellectual property rights get in the way of national public health emergencies. But as the dispute between Thailand's government and the US pharmaceutical company Abbott Laboratories over an Aids-fighting drug highlights, there are deficiencies in the regulations and a rethink is required to protect the lives of the world's most vulnerable people.
Thailand is the first country to issue a compulsory licence under World Trade Organisation rules for an Aids drug. This will allow it to produce a low-cost, generic, version of Abbott's commonly used patented antiretroviral drug Kaletra. The company has responded by declaring it will no longer launch new medications in the nation.

  
The WTO's 2001 ministerial conference in Doha issued a waiver to its 1995 agreement protecting intellectual property rights that stated intellectual property should not take precedence over public health. This gave member nations facing a health crisis the right to copy drugs that were patented before the 1995 agreement and, under a system called compulsory licensing, make generic versions of subsequently produced medications.

Thailand took the step after negotiations with Abbott to make Kaletra available for a more affordable price for Thais broke down. With 580,000 of the nation's people infected with HIV/Aids, the government cannot be blamed for turning to the only remaining option.

Abbott's reaction was not within the spirit of the WTO's rules. Given the high cost of creating and marketing a drug like Kaletra, however, it is justified in wanting to get the best possible price.

The issue has long consumed the world's developed nations, many of them grappling with Aids. Their people cannot generally afford to pay the prices the drugs sell for in the US and Europe, where the companies which have researched and developed the treatments are based.

Governments, UN agencies, non-governmental groups and private foundations have lobbied for lower prices for the drugs for people in developing countries and deals have sometimes been struck. Some companies have permitted genetic manufacture of their medications.

After talks with Abbott failed, Thailand has opted for a route not previously tried with Aids drugs. It is a legal one, but a precedent has been set which the WTO needs to deal with quickly to prevent other companies taking similar actions to those of Abbott. The WTO has a mechanism to deal with disputes, but it is clearly not flexible enough to settle them in a timely manner. This must change.

Aids has, after all, already caused havoc in many African countries and it is threatening to do so in Asia. With so many lives at risk, ensuring medication is available to as many people as possible is essential.



http://focus.scmp.com/focusnews/ZZZQ4VJD8ZE.html

Monday, March 19, 2007

EDITORIAL/LEADER
Mideast peace effort requires unity of will



   
Prev. Story | Next Story



--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

   Palestinian political factions have ironed out differences and formed a government of unity, but being able to speak with a single voice does not hide the fundamental flaw that remains: there can be no peace in the Middle East until all members acknowledge Israel's right to exist. With the Islamist Hamas movement of prime minister Ismail Haniyeh refusing to renounce violence, security and stability will continue to be a dream for the region's people.
Turning back the clock to before Israel's creation and joining of the United Nations in 1948, as Hamas wants, is simply not an option. To think otherwise is to give unrealistic aspirations to the world's 9.4 million Palestinians. Israel's prime minister, Ehud Olmert, made that clear yesterday, as has the US, the foremost power-broker in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Moving forward in peace negotiations is not possible while an integral part of the Palestinian government refuses to recognise Israeli sovereignty.

  
Peace is not the most pressing matter for Palestinians living in the Gaza Strip, Israeli-occupied West Bank and in refugee camps throughout the Middle East: their most immediate craving is respite from the poverty exacerbated by the freeze in foreign aid that Hamas' election win last year prompted. The lack of funding for the government resulted in faction-fighting that brought Palestinian society to the brink of collapse.

Now that Hamas and president Mahmoud Abbas' Fatah group have been able to weld together a government of unity, some of the aid will return. But as long as Hamas stubbornly remains rooted in the doctrine of its founding, there will be no significant movement in brokering peace with Israel, the goal that will drag Palestinians beyond international handouts to self-sufficiency.

Israelis want peace with their neighbours as much as Palestinians do. Mr Olmert has filled the void since Hamas' election victory with discussions with Mr Abbas on how to push ahead with the road map for peace brokered in 2003 by the quartet of the United States, European Union, United Nations and Russia.

Those talks will continue, as will other behind-the-scenes meetings between Israelis and Palestinians and other interested groups and individuals. Resumption of the peace process will remain elusive, though, while Hamas continues to push for its objective of Israel's destruction.

There can obviously be no two-state solution - Israel and a separate Palestinian nation - as outlined in the road map, while this stance continues. Nor is Hamas' position to be tolerated: Israel is a member of the UN and Palestinians are likewise represented, and a founding principle of the world body is that nations recognise one another's right to exist.

A unified government moves Palestinians from the brink of starvation and offers them hope of poverty alleviation. But only when Hamas turns to diplomacy and a redefining of its ways to meet 21st century expectations will Palestinians truly have the chance for the peace and prosperity that they deserve.



http://focus.scmp.com/focusnews/ZZZN406XBZE.html

appreciate your tireless effort ..thank you ...

Tuesday, March 20, 2007

EDITORIAL/LEADER
Not enough done to help new town's needy



  
Next Story



--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

   There is a disconnect between what officials say about tackling Hong Kong's social ills and the circumstances of the people in the northwest New Territories district of Tin Shui Wai. The lack of concerted government effort in alleviating the high rates of poverty, unemployment and domestic violence there has prompted some residents to tackle the problems themselves.
Groups such as the 40 or so women who are working to cool tempers among husbands and wives are to be commended. Housewives Chan Suk-chun and Pang Wan-fong, the driving force behind the initiative to build mutual support, are models for their community. In the absence of sufficient government resources, they have taken it upon themselves to take action. It is a pity that our leaders, so outspoken in recent months on issues such as poverty and domestic violence, have been of little help beyond the relatively small grant received by the group.

  
Given Hong Kong's compact size, blackspots such as Tin Shui Wai should not exist. Statistics clearly indicate a problem: the second-lowest household incomes in the city, high rates of domestic violence and excessive unemployment. Police and media reports and even a best-selling book have shown the scale of the difficulties the district's people face.

Most shocking was the tragedy in April 2004, when a man killed his wife and two daughters before committing suicide. The victims died hours after leaving a government-run shelter and seeking police help. There have been similar incidents since, but the government has not done enough to deal with the issues at the core of such violence.

Similarly, although census data reveals the median household income in Tin Shui Wai is HK$13,750, the second-lowest of any district in the city, the efforts to improve the economic circumstances of residents have been rudimentary.

There is no secret as to why Tin Shui Wai faces the problems it does. In Hong Kong terms it is isolated, not being well linked to the city's transport networks. This has meant few businesses have been attracted to the area and correspondingly, it is relatively expensive for residents to travel to workplaces. Unemployment is therefore high and family incomes low.

Many of those living in the district are migrants from the mainland. Often, they are the wives of Hong Kong residents and generally much younger than their spouses. The age gap, social workers say, has been at the root of the domestic violence, with husbands and wives not being able to adequately communicate with one another. Divorce rates are consequently high, resulting in many single-parent households in Tin Shui Wai.

The government has provided few recreational facilities and social services in the area. Shelters for women involved in domestic violence cases are few, as are counsellors to talk to them and their spouses about their problems.

Yet, as the tens of billions of dollars Financial Secretary Henry Tang Ying-yen announced as a surplus in his budget last month revealed, there is no shortage of funds to tackle Hong Kong's problems. The difficulty, it would seem, is directing the money to where it is most needed.

That is one of the reasons the Commission on Poverty was set up in 2005. It aims to better co-ordinate government departments and policies. Worthy schemes have been announced, such as the travel allowance for the needy and other poverty-alleviation measures unveiled by Mr Tang.

Nor is Chief Executive Donald Tsang Yam-kuen unaware of the difficulties some residents face. His platform for re-election lists a good many projects, among them holding a summit on fighting poverty and setting up social enterprises in communities with high concentrations of low-income families to create employment opportunities.

As Tin Shui Wai shows, however, the efforts taken so far are not enough. The government has said much about improving the lives of Hong Kong's people, but the rhetoric needs to be backed with firmer action to better the lot of those in the community who are less fortunate.



http://focus.scmp.com/focusnews/ZZZTICVAGZE.html

Wednesday, March 21, 2007

JAPAN AND SOUTH KOREA
Healing the deep wounds of history


JUNBEOM PYON and YUKA TSUKAGOSHI
   
Prev. Story | Next Story



--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

     


We are dismayed by the current state of relations between Japan and South Korea. The two countries are natural partners: both are US allies, they have democratic societies and share similar values and security concerns. During the cold war, both feared the expansion of communism from the Soviet Union and China, and a North Korean invasion of  the South. Today, both face the North's nuclear threat and share concerns about the rise of China. In addition to common interests, Japan and South Korea have similar customs and culture.
All this suggests that it would be logical and desirable for the two countries to have a strong, co-operative bilateral relationship. But that logic is outweighed by mutual distrust, suspicion and hatred in Japan and South Korea. These feelings manifest themselves in protests - a cycle of action and reaction - in both countries.

The causes vary: disputes over territory and fisheries, and differing views about the Japanese colonisation of the Korean Peninsula. The list includes Japanese history textbooks, "comfort women", crimes committed by the Japanese imperial army and the politicisation of the relationship. Koreans demand that the Japanese apologise for all the crimes of the past.

The root of anti-Japanese sentiment in South Korea is wounded pride. Koreans feel humiliated and insulted that they, a highly civilised society, were invaded by the Japanese. Japan seeks to move the relationship forward, but South Korea's continued complaints prevent that.

The two nations are like teeth and lips: the deterioration of relations hurts them both. It is in their best interest to see a stronger, reunified Korean Peninsula under Seoul's leadership that serves as a first line of defence for Japan - and a stronger Japan that supports Korea against an overwhelming China.

Tokyo could achieve this by encouraging the emperor to make a public statement acknowledging the imperial family's roots in Korea. Such an acknowledgement would not be new: Emperor Akihito has noted on a number of occasions that the Shoku Nihongi, an 8th century chronicle, traces the lineage of his 8th century ancestor, Emperor Kammu, to King Muryong of 6th century Paekche, one of Korea's ancient kingdoms. "People from the Korean Peninsula came to the nascent kingdom in central Japan, bringing East Asian culture and technology," he said.

Koreans believe these facts are not taught or accepted in Japan because of government intervention. If the emperor would again acknowledge his Korean heritage - this time with the support and approval of the Japanese government - it would greatly restore pride and transform thinking in Korea.

Koreans would no longer have been invaded by "barbarians", but by a highly civilised and advanced society formed by the descendants of Korean kingdoms. Such an acknowledgment would help Koreans overcome the inferiority complex that is the real cause of their anti-Japanese sentiment. It would also help Koreans accept Japanese achievements in the 20th century and allow them to share in the pride of these achievements because, ultimately, the Japanese and the Koreans share the same heritage.

What would Japan gain?

First, the issue of comfort women, and other crimes committed by the Japanese imperial army, would continue to be discussed. But the magnitude and nature of the discussions would be diminished. Second, Koreans would be able to push that history into the past, and move  towards a future with Japan.

Third, a stronger partnership would improve the security environment in both countries. Tokyo and Seoul would be able to focus on solving the North Korean nuclear issue and work together for the peaceful unification of the peninsula. Fourth, both countries would be able to further co-operate at a strategic level to deal with China's growth and re-emergence on the world stage. Fifth, it would help to settle disputes over territorial claims and fisheries. Seoul and Tokyo would be able to solve disputes when they begin to see each other as partners, not enemies.

A Tokyo-Seoul partnership would be bigger than the sum of its parts. Together, the two could contribute to the growth and development of other Asian countries by sharing resources, technology and know-how. This, again, would bring the two countries closer together. Ultimately, it would also result in a solid US-South Korea-Japan trilateral partnership that strengthens regional stability and peace. In the spirit of compromise that would animate such an agreement, Seoul would do well to take positive steps, as well. It could promise Tokyo that it would change the way Korean schools teach about Japan. Seoul could adopt regulations that prohibit teachers and textbooks from stirring up anti-Japan sentiment.

South Korea could officially discourage the sort of anti-Japanese propaganda often seen in its movies and TV programmes. And, finally, it should support Japan's bid for a permanent seat on the UN Security Council.

Political leaders in both countries should learn from the mistakes of their predecessors, and put their national  image and national interests above their domestic political concerns.

Junbeom Pyon is the 2006-2007 Vasey  Fellow at the Pacific Forum CSIS. Yuka Tsukagoshi is a policy analyst at Mizuho Research Institute. Distributed by Pacific Forum CSIS



http://focus.scmp.com/focusnews/ZZZHVS9CIZE.html

Thursday, March 22, 2007

EDITORIAL/LEADER
Rethink needed on population policies



   
Prev. Story | Next Story



--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

   A key advisory group's call for the government to adopt more family-friendly policies to stimulate Hong Kong's lagging population growth is welcome. It also is a reminder of the need for bold initiatives.
The support group on population policy for the Council for Sustainable Development has completed a draft report that includes a package of family measures. The report focuses on the declining fertility rate, the ageing population and quality of life. The group has revealed only a glimpse of the initiatives to be recommended to the government in June. They range from paternity leave for civil servants to discounted family tickets for activities like museum visits, music concerts and sports activities.

  
Paternity leave would be a step in the right direction and a lead to the business community, although a few companies already grant it. It will be remembered that the introduction of a five-day week for civil servants was quickly adopted by some big employers such as banks.

Hopefully the second suggestion is no more than a bonus as part of a bold, comprehensive package. Cut-price outings are not going to solve issues such as working mothers and financial security versus family sacrifice, the cost of adequate housing and education and the quality of life, to mention just a few.

Standing alone, a few days' paternity leave will not make much difference either. The council should convince the government of the merits of setting an example with a more flexible approach to parental baby leave that better reflects the modern concept of shared family responsibilities. Hong Kong's 10 weeks' paid maternity leave compares favourably with other Asian countries. But it has not stopped our population from growing less and ageing more.

The recent by-census figures were a wake-up call to government planners. Annual population growth since 2001 has been only 0.4 per cent, with a marginal increase in births and fewer people from developed economies coming here to work. The population stands at just over 6.9 million. But the government is sinking hundreds of billions of dollars into infrastructure, including transport, on the basis of outdated predictions that the population would now be well in excess of 7 million and growing apace. It would be sensible to adopt policies that put the horse back in front of the cart, with the emphasis on ensuring that the city remains an attractive place in which to live and do business.

Population group convenor Wong Siu-lun says few measures are recommended to change immigration policy, because the public has not reached consensus. But a family-friendly environment is positive for immigration. The city's future as a knowledge-based economy depends on being able to compete internationally for the brightest young talent. The more who put down their roots here and raise families the better.





http://focus.scmp.com/focusnews/ZZZQ5W9CIZE.html

Friday, March 23, 2007

EDITORIAL/LEADER
Home ownership must be more than a dream



   
Prev. Story | Next Story



--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

   The deep-rooted Chinese cultural desire to own the roof over one's head, combined with rising property prices and interest rates, is leading to a crisis in mainland cities. While the wealthy can fulfil the dream, the rest of  society is increasingly falling into a financial bind that the government has promised to tackle, but has yet to adequately respond to.
Much of the problem lies in the lack of a uniform policy on housing. With the property and associated mortgage markets immature in their development, there is the danger that a crucial sector of society could be financially ruined by the system. Premier Wen Jiabao's work report at the recently concluded National People's Congress mentioned the soaring property prices, and city administrations have since reiterated pledges to cool economic growth. Such rhetoric in the past has not been followed by concerted action and fears persist that the housing bubble will burst and lead to economic disarray.

  
Warnings yesterday from a leading economist at the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences that those from the middle and lower income groups may be forced to default on mortgage payments because of the financial pressures they face are a cause for concern. The subsidised housing system for the poor is no longer functioning in the way it was intended, and with property developers focused on profits by building luxury housing that is beyond the reach of the majority, government intervention is necessary.


Housing prices across the nation rose by an average of 5.5 per cent last year, and in Beijing and Shanghai by at least two or three times more. Salaries barely rose 5 per cent, though, and with the one-year benchmark lending rate raised .27 per cent this week to 6.39 per cent, there is great pressure on those who have taken out mortgages - more than 90 per cent of whom are estimated to have loans with variable rates.

The mainland has a market-driven real estate system and a bank-loan-dominated housing finance one. Officials, such as Central Bank deputy governor Wu Xiaoling , have maintained that the model is suitable, although acknowledging that it needs to be closely watched.

Clearly, mere watching is insufficient - nor is capping economic growth going to resolve the problem.

While returning to the socialist model of the past, where the government provided housing, is impractical in a market-driven system, authorities can still put in place policies to ensure even the poor can have a roof over their heads. Cheap land can be allocated to developers to build affordable housing and a predetermined percentage of developments can be set aside for cheaper apartments. With property ownership now enshrined in law, the mainland has to do its utmost to ensure that the dreams of its people to own their own homes can be attained.



http://focus.scmp.com/focusnews/ZZZBKY9CIZE.html

give us more sustain

Monday, March 26, 2007

Winning the war against poverty


ROSANNA WONG
   
Prev. Story | Next Story



--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

   All members of the UN agreed that poverty was a key strategic challenge facing the world, through the Millennium Declaration of 2000 and its associated Millennium Development Goals. Since then, the issue has worked its way up policy-making agendas, with governments in both developing and developed countries resolving not only to alleviate poverty's symptoms, but also to attack its root causes.
What about here in Hong Kong? Chief Executive Donald Tsang Yam-kuen pledged, during the run-up to the chief executive election, that poverty would be one of his priority issues. For many, poverty may seem like a non-issue, given our robust economy and gross national income per capita of US$27,670.

  
When the Poverty Commission says there is no official poverty line in Hong Kong, what exactly does "poverty" refer to?

Here in Hong Kong, there is a certain invisibility about poverty. As a result, the level of Comprehensive Social Security Assistance is used as a practical measure of what has been called a "de facto poverty line". What makes this a particularly relevant topic now is the recognition that this section of the population grew, by 9.6 per cent per year, on average, between 1995 and 2004.

So what can we do? The government has pledged to set aside HK$900 million for measures to help the poor, and has devised a policy to move from welfare to self-reliance. I have no quarrel with this, but there are certain facts that need to be stated.

The first is that the government has a fundamental obligation to all its people. This means that welfare services and support must always be available to those who require them. Handing out monetary assistance is crucial, especially to those in dire need, making welfare a guaranteed safety net to protect the most vulnerable in the community.

Second, self-reliance is not something new. Non-governmental organisations and charity agencies have been implementing self-reliance measures for a long time. Perhaps less well known is that many projects and programmes encourage and endorse self-reliance, to assist people out of poverty. The government needs to recognise these, and possibly build on them. It is also important to examine the government's initiatives, without prejudice. For example, one idea is to create a business model that is more socially responsible, and which will help people get involved in such areas as employment, welfare, education and even the environment.

The community needs to become familiar with the details of what is entailed. Only then will it be possible to assess it properly.


Another government initiative is the Children's Development Fund, to support youngsters from low-income families by promoting their development instead of simply providing income support. This is also worth careful consideration, especially as it appears to be a long-term plan to alleviate inter-generational poverty. Again, we need to know more about how it will work.

While I am cautiously optimistic about both these plans, poverty should also be dealt with at a more human level. Before any project can be implemented, hope must be instilled, to give people the drive and determination to push forward.

This may be the hardest part, but it is not impossible. For example, poverty alleviation should not be the government's responsibility alone: efforts must be made to engage the community, too. And these initiatives should not be too bureaucratic and intrusive. Finally, all opportunities - in education and employment - should be provided with sensitivity and compassion. The bottom line should not simply be the attainment of qualifications or the acquisition of a job. The opportunities afforded should also help awaken self-respect and self-esteem. Dignity is an equally potent aspect of tackling the issue of poverty.

Absolute poverty, of course, will never be fully eradicated. But, as we move towards narrowing the gap between the haves and have-nots, let's find a way to balance the practical, enforceable aspects of policy measures with the human side of positive reinforcement, leading towards the real economic and social development of Hong Kong.

Rosanna Wong is executive director of the Hong Kong Federation of Youth Groups and a member of the Working Group of the UN Commission on Legal Empowerment of the Poor



http://focus.scmp.com/focusnews/ZZZKX1CZLZE.html

YEAH，THX for shareing!

Tuesday, March 27, 2007

EDITORIAL/LEADER
Cautionary lesson for seafood lovers



  
Next Story



--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

   Our seemingly insatiable appetite for seafood is helping empty the world's waters of fish. The guide released yesterday by WWF Hong Kong is therefore a welcome weapon in the armoury to educate us in making more sustainable eating choices. A visit to wet markets or the seafood section of supermarkets does not give the impression that our fish supplies are drying up. Only those involved in the industry or in conservation would know otherwise; that year by year, suppliers have to widen their search as traditional sources are fished out.
As the world's biggest per capita consumers of seafood - and with affluence, increasingly looking for more exotic species - we have been largely oblivious to our appetites driving some varieties into extinction. Fish farms have gone some way to meeting our demand, but cannot repair the damaged marine ecosystems that overfishing has created.

  
WWF's seafood guide, showing which species are recommended and which should involve a second thought or be avoided, is a good start in helping people make informed choices. That it has come from a non-governmental organisation rather than the government or the catering industry shows just how unconcerned those with the ability to control overfishing seemingly are on the issue.

Yet bringing native species back to our waters and making fish that were enjoyed by past generations again available at the dinner or banquet table is a matter that involves all groups.

The government has joined the process with discussion on the naming of species, partly prompted by the health concerns over oil fish recently being sold as cod. Catfish is being sold as Vietnamese sole and river cobbler, more attractive names, but not indicative of their species. If fish are given standardised names that better reflect their species, we can make better choices. Such efforts from authorities need to be stepped up.

Similarly, restaurants can help by more carefully choosing which fish to put on menus. More exotic varieties will make more profit, but also will lead to species declining in number - and ecosystem damage. Those farming fish also can assist through better catering to local tastes or even directing consumers towards more sustainable choices.

The WWF's guide is a useful educational tool in the battle to stop overfishing. Its distribution through as wide as possible a breadth of the community will raise awareness that some fish, for various biological reasons, are more vulnerable to overfishing.

Armed with such information, we will be able to make better choices when shopping for seafood or dining out. But the process of stopping overfishing of particular species and regenerating our damaged sub-tropical waters will take the involvement of all other sectors with a stake in the fishing industry, the government included. Only through working together can the change that is needed come about.



http://focus.scmp.com/focusnews/ZZZC6M6AQZE.html

Tuesday, March 27, 2007

EDITORIAL/LEADER
Cautionary lesson for seafood lovers



  
Next Story



--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

   Our seemingly insatiable appetite for seafood is helping empty the world's waters of fish. The guide released yesterday by WWF Hong Kong is therefore a welcome weapon in the armoury to educate us in making more sustainable eating choices. A visit to wet markets or the seafood section of supermarkets does not give the impression that our fish supplies are drying up. Only those involved in the industry or in conservation would know otherwise; that year by year, suppliers have to widen their search as traditional sources are fished out.
As the world's biggest per capita consumers of seafood - and with affluence, increasingly looking for more exotic species - we have been largely oblivious to our appetites driving some varieties into extinction. Fish farms have gone some way to meeting our demand, but cannot repair the damaged marine ecosystems that overfishing has created.

  
WWF's seafood guide, showing which species are recommended and which should involve a second thought or be avoided, is a good start in helping people make informed choices. That it has come from a non-governmental organisation rather than the government or the catering industry shows just how unconcerned those with the ability to control overfishing seemingly are on the issue.

Yet bringing native species back to our waters and making fish that were enjoyed by past generations again available at the dinner or banquet table is a matter that involves all groups.

The government has joined the process with discussion on the naming of species, partly prompted by the health concerns over oil fish recently being sold as cod. Catfish is being sold as Vietnamese sole and river cobbler, more attractive names, but not indicative of their species. If fish are given standardised names that better reflect their species, we can make better choices. Such efforts from authorities need to be stepped up.

Similarly, restaurants can help by more carefully choosing which fish to put on menus. More exotic varieties will make more profit, but also will lead to species declining in number - and ecosystem damage. Those farming fish also can assist through better catering to local tastes or even directing consumers towards more sustainable choices.

The WWF's guide is a useful educational tool in the battle to stop overfishing. Its distribution through as wide as possible a breadth of the community will raise awareness that some fish, for various biological reasons, are more vulnerable to overfishing.

Armed with such information, we will be able to make better choices when shopping for seafood or dining out. But the process of stopping overfishing of particular species and regenerating our damaged sub-tropical waters will take the involvement of all other sectors with a stake in the fishing industry, the government included. Only through working together can the change that is needed come about.



http://focus.scmp.com/focusnews/ZZZC6M6AQZE.html

Wednesday, March 28, 2007

EDITORIAL/LEADER
Time to move on to other heritage issues



  
Next Story



--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

   Debate over whether Queen's Pier should be preserved rather than dismantled to make way for a road misses the point about heritage; we should be keeping for the sake of collective memory and future generations the aspects of society worth saving, not anything and everything.
As symbolic as the pier has become for some conservation groups, they should move their focus to more worthwhile heritage issues. The Antiquities and Monuments Office has graded 496 such sites according to perceived importance and the government should be dedicating itself to formulating a general preservation policy in consultation with the community.

  
Before the adjacent Star Ferry pier was demolished, a case could have been made for Queen's Pier's preservation. It certainly fits the category of collective memory, being where those recently married at the nearby City Hall registry office often had photographs taken and the point from which many a weekend boating trip in the harbour and beyond departed from and returned to. Historically, from the time of being built in 1953, it was the traditional first landing point for arriving British colonial governors - just as previous Queen's piers had been prior to harbour reclamation.

As a structure worth preserving, though, it now has little value with the Star Ferry pier and buildings gone and plans well progressed to redevelop the area with a shopping mall and road. This makes government proposals that it should be moved out of context, metal railing by metal railing, stone by stone, to another location - as happened with Murray House - a moot point. With collective memory, the setting is important, not the specific location itself.

Herein lies the crux of the heritage discussion: that authorities do not properly understand the criteria for what should be kept and how it should be preserved. That is why a proper consultation process is important.

Rows over the actions of the government's Urban Renewal Authority in putting development ahead of preservation highlight the problem. It plans to tear down Wan Chai's Lee Tung Street, nicknamed Wedding Card Street, and part of the 140-year-old outdoor market in Peel, Graham and Gage streets in Central. These are not single structures, as the Antiquities and Monuments Office lists, but neighbourhoods with a distinct character. There are dozens of other examples - and the harbourfront embracing Star Ferry and Queen's piers was among them.

Further revealing an insensitivity to heritage, the authority wants to replace the tenement buildings in Wedding Card Street and the open-air market in Central with replica buildings. The same strategy was used with building the new Star Ferry pier; a mock early 20th century design that fools nobody as to its age, while telling visitors of our apparent lack of feeling for the past.

This may well have been the case in Hong Kong's pre-1997 days, when society was more transient. But generations have now realised this city's potential and are putting roots down, wanting this to be their permanent home. With this change comes a sense of belonging and the need to preserve that which is near and dear - buildings, places and culture chief among them.

Prior to the Star Ferry debacle, Queen's Pier was among such memories, but a lack of government forethought has changed that. It is too late to save the site and we must now move on - with the lesson that has been learned central to formulating a robust preservation policy.



http://focus.scmp.com/focusnews/ZZZV60IAQZE.html

Thursday, March 29, 2007

EDITORIAL/LEADER
Openness can head off a new space race



  
Next Story



--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

   The announcement of a Sino-Russian mission to Mars in 2009 is further proof of China's burgeoning technological prowess. But while such an achievement is something to be proud of, Beijing must temper such developments with caution to avoid a space race with the US and other competitors exploring the solar system.
Venturing into space is a multi-faceted enterprise, after all; apart from instilling national pride and being for the purposes of peaceful inquiry, it also is costly and has an unavoidable military dimension. Rockets and satellites serve dual purposes in this regard and arouse suspicion, just as they did when they were central to the cold war space race between the US and the Soviet Union.

  

While the two superpowers drove one another to ever greater heights in exploring space for a quarter-century, they also came ever closer to war as their technological breakthroughs translated into military developments. China must tread carefully to avoid a recurrence of this fearful period in world history.

This does not mean that China's scientists should refrain from building upon their already momentous achievements. In 2003, China became only the third nation - after the US and Soviet Union - to put a person in space and the feat was repeated the following year. There are now plans to put a Chinese astronaut on the moon and develop and launch a space station.

The deal President Hu Jintao and his Russian counterpart Vladimir Putin signed in Moscow on Monday to co-operate on the mission to Mars and its moon Phobos will cement China's membership of the exclusive club of space-exploring nations. But the deal also will spur rivalries in space. As proof of this, in January 2004 US President George W. Bush launched a new vision for his country's space programme, with plans to put an astronaut on Mars and to return to the moon - just three months after Yang Liwei became the first Chinese person in space. Japan and the European Union also have been stepping up their space research, budgeting billions of dollars for new rocket and equipment designs. India says it will launch an unmanned mission to the moon next year.

A major driving force of the cold war space race was a lack of openness between the Americans and Soviets. There were shades of a return to that era in January when Beijing secretly tested a ballistic missile by blowing up an old satellite, scattering debris that had the potential to damage other satellites. The central government was roundly condemned by the US, Japan and others for carrying out the test. It initially remained silent, but after two weeks admitted carrying it out - behaviour that has to be avoided for the sake of global stability. The US, however, stands accused of hypocrisy because - unlike China and Russia - it refuses to support an international agreement banning the deployment of weapons in space.

China's achievements, although they follow in the footsteps of the US and Russia, are significant. It is among the space elite and this is a reason for pride. Each new step into space will boost the country's international standing. But China must not fall into the trap of putting competition and accolades ahead of those on the ground. Each yuan budgeted for spending in space has to be weighed against how it might be used to alleviate poverty and provide essential infrastructure. Nor should China's space ventures be anything other than peaceful. Keeping technological developments transparent and ensuring openness is essential to preventing another space race.



http://focus.scmp.com/focusnews/ZZZEY8GVTZE.html

Friday, March 30, 2007

EDITORIAL/LEADER
Australia's rainforest initiative not enough



  
Next Story



--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

   Australia would seem an unlikely partner in fighting global warming given its status as the only developed nation other than the US refusing to sign the Kyoto Protocol on climate change. Yet its prime minister, John Howard, has launched a fund to protect the world's rainforests, an idea which, if it gains momentum, would be a valuable weapon in the battle to stop temperatures from rising.
Mr Howard's rejection of Kyoto is flawed; his belief that the pact requiring governments to reduce the greenhouse gas emissions that cause global warming will hurt his country's economy is short-sighted. Only by working together can nations stop the world from heating up, and participation of major polluters such as Australia and the US is essential in attaining this objective.

  
Until these holdout governments realise their mistake, however, any strategy they offer as an alternative to Kyoto has to be given due consideration. The project launched yesterday by the Australian leader is certainly a sound addition to Kyoto.

The world's rainforests are a scientifically proven lung that suck up the most prevalent greenhouse gas, carbon dioxide, and release the breath of life, oxygen. But demand for timber and agricultural land is causing a rapid decrease in their area, upsetting the balance of delicate ecosystems, causing the decline or even extinction of animal and plant species and, in the process, contributing to climate change.

Mr Howard's fund, launched with an initial contribution of US$160 million, would help nations such as Indonesia and Brazil better manage their rainforests. The money would allow replanting of trees and better satellite and radar monitoring to prevent illegal logging and clearing. That the initiative has been taken and other governments have been contacted to contribute shows that this is more than an election-year gimmick for the Australian leader.

Indonesia, with Asia's biggest rainforests, is particularly in need of such help. At least 2.1 million hectares of trees valued at US$4 billion are being lost each year to illegal loggers, who ship the pillaged logs mostly to Malaysia and mainland China. Conservation groups the Environmental Investigation Agency and Telapak said in a report this week that corrupt police and military officials were preventing efforts by authorities to bring those accused to heel. Indonesia, some experts claim, will have lost most of its rainforests by 2022 unless tough action is taken.

International co-operation through the Australian-initiated fund would go some way towards protecting the world's rainforests. If managed properly, a vital weapon in decreasing the levels of carbon dioxide in the atmosphere would be assured and consequently, the degree of temperature rise lessened.

As laudable as this effort is, however, it does not abrogate Australia of the responsibility to cut its emissions of greenhouse gases. More than 80 per cent of the nation's electricity is generated by highly polluting coal-fired power plants and the nation also is the world's biggest exporter of coal. Per person, Australians generate more climate change-causing pollutants than any other population in the world.

Mr Howard has taken a bold step and launched a project with the potential to make significant inroads in the battle to protect the world's rainforests and the animals and plants within them. But if he really wants to stop the threat of climate change, he also must embrace the wider standards adopted by other developed nations.



http://focus.scmp.com/focusnews/ZZZ3YCGVTZE.html

great job, thanks!

Monday, April 2, 2007

Jobs for the boys


PHILIP BOWRING
   
Prev. Story | Next Story



--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

     


Forget for a moment the extraordinary, but not uncommon, arrogance of the bureaucracy as illustrated by the Hong Kong Institute of Education affair. Forget for a moment wondering whether a person apparently as obsessed with power as Fanny Law Fan Chiu-fun is the appropriate person to run the Independent Commission Against Corruption, which is supposed to put principles before power. Now, stop to consider the issue of where political horse-trading ends and corruption begins.
Almost the first act of Chief Executive Donald Tsang Yam-kuen following his election - by one in 10,000 Hongkongers - was to appoint Liberal Party leader James Tien Pei-chun to head the Hong Kong Tourism Board. It was widely reported that the replacement of one Liberal party legislator, Selina Chow Liang Shuk-yee, by another was related to the policy and voting behaviour of Mr Tien and his party.

Personally, I have no idea whether these reports were true. But the fact is that they have been made and, as far as I am aware, not denied. In any event, it is surprising to a lay observer that Mr Tien was appointed, given both the number of hats he already wears and his lack of experience with the major industries in the tourism sector.

But Mr Tsang seems not to care very much about whether public offices should be handed out as political rewards or to satisfy the vanity of pro-government politicians. The Tourism Board is a publicly funded body that is supposed to promote an industry which affects all Hongkongers. It should not be considered a political gift.

The appointment is all too typical of Hong Kong's "small-circle" politics and the handing out of jobs to senior ex-bureaucrats and members of prominent families. It was similarly typical in the row over the management of the Kowloon-Canton Railway Corporation when its chairman, Michael Tien Puk-sun - brother of James - was able to prevail over professional managers. Mr Tien behaved like an executive chairman or the owner of a family fiefdom rather than as the non-executive chairman of a company owned by Hongkongers. Yet Mr Tsang allowed him to prevail.

It is perhaps no coincidence, either, that yet another scion of a famous and very rich family should be at the centre of a row in which the executive and bureaucracy seek to dictate policies as well as use a web of board appointees and assorted shoe-shiners to get its way regardless. I personally have no view on whether the HKIEd should be merged with Chinese University. But the issue was worthy of a public airing from which Arthur Li Kwok-cheung - as former chancellor of the university - would have done well to distance himself.

Following the election, Mr Tsang acknowledged that officialdom was often remote from public concerns, and promised to try to rectify this. That was an admirable sentiment. He may not be able to get very far in persuading Beijing to allow a faster extension of the franchise - even assuming he actually wants that.

But there is a huge amount he can do, if he really wants, to widen the base of power in Hong Kong - namely, by appointing people from outside the charmed circle of ex-bureaucrats and members of leading families.

In fact, he promised to do just that some time ago, but nothing much appears to have changed. Advisory bodies consist largely of people who can be relied on to say "yes" to government proposals.

There are other things he could do to make Hong Kong a more open and more free market society. First, raise the retirement age for the bureaucracy to 65, and halt the practice of moving 55-year-old "retired" bureaucrats into executive jobs with government-linked companies.

Second, set about abolishing some of the quasi-non-governmental organisations that have flourished in recent years to the detriment of an open economy and plural distribution of power.

These include the Hong Kong Mortgage Corporation, a totally unnecessary body in an economy as well banked and financially serviced as Hong Kong. The Mandatory Provident Fund Schemes Authority is a useless bureaucracy that wastes money and perpetuates an uncompetitive and high-cost scheme. Then there is Hong Kong Exchanges and Clearing - which should be fully privatised and its regulatory function passed to the Securities and Futures Commission. There is also a host of lesser bodies that hand out funds or favours to a chosen few.

Finally, there is the Tourism Board itself. It is closely associated with both massive misallocations of government funds, such as Hong Kong Disneyland, and failures to resist bureaucrats' destruction of distinctive local attractions in favour of yet more roads and shopping malls.

Philip Bowring is a Hong Kong-based journalist and commentator



http://focus.scmp.com/focusnews/ZZZDSOUTYZE.html

Tuesday, April 3, 2007

EDITORIAL/LEADER
Tourism depends on untarnished reputation



  
Next Story



--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

   Hong Kong's international reputation as a shopping paradise depends on trust and we should rightly be concerned whenever there is even a hint that it has been eroded. Claims that two jewellery shops sold mainland tourists items that were not as they were advertised must therefore be fully investigated.
The Hong Kong Tourism Board has rightly been quick to start this process, contacting mainland counterparts. Following trouble last year with unscrupulous tour operators and the dubious practices of some guides, getting to the bottom of the allegations is essential.

  
One store has denied the allegations made in a China Central Television report and the other has yet to comment. Both have been the subject of a number of previous complaints by shoppers, but we should not be hasty in declaring wrongdoing until inquiries have been carried out. Whatever the outcome, the incident serves as a reminder that constant attention has to be paid by authorities to the quality of goods and services offered here.

Tourism is a mainstay of our economy, bringing in billions of dollars a year. Sales from retail outlets comprise a large part. Ensuring that what is being sold is genuine and marked clearly so that customers are certain of what they are buying is therefore important. This is especially so for mainland visitors. Fake products abound across the border and the authenticity of items can sometimes be difficult to determine. Hong Kong is a favoured destination because of the rigorous measures taken to keep out fakes.

That does not prevent dishonest selling, of course. As these alleged incidents highlight, only a well-trained eye can determine the difference between gold varieties and the more expensive platinum or differentiate between certain types of gemstones.

With mainland people comprising an ever-increasing share of our tourist numbers, and their rising affluence boosting spending power, protecting our image as a city of honest retailers is essential. Suggestions to the contrary must be dealt with seriously.

There are unscrupulous people in the retail sector the world over and Hong Kong has its share. Watchdog groups, the Consumer Council among them, and enforcement bodies such as the police, devote considerable resources to keeping cheats to a minimum. Because of their lack of local knowledge, tourists are easier targets for dishonest shopkeepers. The Quality Tourism Services and quality mark schemes have been put in place to guide visitors to shops with a proven track record in honest service.

Consumer confidence can generally be assured when shopping in Hong Kong. Nonetheless, the measures taken by authorities to keep unscrupulous retailers out of the market place can never be foolproof, as we occasionally find. Tough action must therefore be taken against those found to be cheating the system. Accordingly, penalties need to be harsh and examples made of those caught breaking the rules.

Tourism is a fickle business, especially in a globalised world where impressions spread quickly. Our position as Southeast Asia's foremost tourism destination is grounded in hard work and it must be protected at all costs.



http://focus.scmp.com/focusnews/ZZZ4QUWTYZE.html