Wednesday, August 23, 2006
IRANIAN NUCLEAR CRISIS
The chance for China to shine
KEVIN RAFFERTY
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The world has been brought to a dangerous precipice by the Iranian nuclear issue. But Tehran's hostility towards the trade and other concessions offered by the UN Security Council - in return for giving up its nuclear enrichment programme - is also a golden opportunity for China.
Indeed, this could be the defining moment of Beijing's international maturity. Is China prepared to be part of the global government system and to play a leading role in creating much-needed new rules of international behaviour? Or will it continue to play short-sighted, selfish games?
Iran's supporters say possessing a nuclear bomb is the most powerful symbol of a country's modernity, and a guarantee that it cannot be pushed around. The particular problem that Iran poses is that the world should not only worry about proliferation of nuclear weapons to Iran, but also nuclear proliferation from Iran.
The Iranian government is behaving as the natural heir to the Persian imperial tradition, ironically following in the footsteps of the late, unloved shah. When he helped trigger the quadrupling of oil prices in the 1970s, the shah declared that he wanted to use the income to build up his navy so it could patrol the seas between Iran and Australia.
The current Iran of the mullahs sees itself as the messianic sword arm of a crusading Islamic revival. Its support for Hezbollah reinforces the worries that Iran with a nuclear weapon would threaten stability, and not merely in its own backyard.
The five security council members - the United States, France, Britain, Russia and China - plus Germany, must offer carrots as well as sticks to Tehran. An Iran that can be engaged and modernised could become a force for stability in the Middle East. Unfortunately, Iran appears set to press ahead with its controversial nuclear work. This means that the six nations have to consider diplomatic sticks, including the threat of sanctions, as US President George W. Bush has urged.
Unfortunately, sanctions often fail: there is always someone with an interest in doing business with a rogue regime. Beijing has been propping up many oppressive governments, from Myanmar to Sudan and Zimbabwe. Beijing is playing an important role on the Iranian issue, too, as the leading supplier of arms to Tehran. This includes not just tanks and guns, but surface-to-air and surface-to-surface missiles of the kind that Iran has passed on to Hezbollah.
Although no one has firm proof - and it would be forbidden under China's commitments to the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty - Beijing has been suspected of passing on nuclear know-how to Tehran.
China has good, selfish, short-term and short-sighted reasons for its support of regimes in Myanmar, Iran and Sudan: notably, its anxiety to secure energy and other natural resources, to underpin its rapid economic growth. And if, at the same time, it pokes the US in the eye, that isn't likely to worry it.
Deng Xiaoping gave the advice that China should "hide brightness and nourish obscurity ... to bide our time and build up our capabilities". It was good advice at the time, but Beijing has since experienced decades of rapid economic growth.
China is now a world economic power - whether its own rulers or Washington like it. And because of that, it is creating a large political footprint, too. It can no longer hide its brightness in obscurity. Nor can Washington - in spite of Mr Bush's best efforts - hope to get its own way, unchallenged, on large international issues.
But this means that China now has responsibilities, too. It is not in Beijing's interests to see the spread of nuclear weapons. It is odd that a government anxious to suppress domestic dissent, and one that looks askance at Hong Kong's wishes for democracy, would welcome nuclear weapons in the hands of an Islamic, revolutionary Iran. The prospect that such weapons might spread to terrorists should be a major worry to a government that has its own discontented Muslims and other suppressed dissidents.
Beijing could play a key, constructive role in pointing out to Tehran the advantages of co-operation rather than confrontation with the rest of the world. If it comes to the need for sanctions, China's support will be essential both in convincing Iran that the rest of the world is serious, and in making sanctions work as never before.
Being a key player on this pressing issue for global co-operation would strengthen China's image immensely. It would also demonstrate to Mr Bush, in a practical way, that there are limits to an imperial US presidency.
Whether China's leaders can respond to the challenge remains an open question. They may head the biggest nation on Earth, with the fastest economic growth the world has seen. But politically, President Hu Jintao and Premier Wen Jiabao have so far shown themselves to be short-term and short-sighted players - with little understanding of the historic opportunity awaiting them and China.
Kevin Rafferty is editor-in-chief of PlainWords Media, a consortium of journalists interested in development issues.
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