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Wednesday, September 20, 2006

EDITORIAL/LEADER
Street markets a valuable part of our cultural heritage



   
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   One test of a great city is how well it preserves what is worth keeping. This is especially so in Hong Kong, where the issue of development versus preservation is complicated by lack of space. As a result there is often little room for sentiment such as preservation of important strands of our cultural heritage.
The buzz concepts are improved traffic flow, high-rise makeovers of old neighbourhoods such as Lee Tung Street in Wan Chai, fondly known to many as Wedding Card Street, and modern tourist attractions such as the Ngong Ping 360 cable car and Disneyland.


Traditional tourist attractions such as street markets do not loom large in the vision of government planners. Dai pai dongs are dying out because licences for the food stalls can only be passed on to spouses. The 70-year-old Wan Chai street market, the largest and oldest on Hong Kong Island, is the latest example of cultural heritage under threat. Since hawkers were driven out of Wan Chai Road 30 years ago to improve traffic flow, the market has thrived in the back streets, a way of life to locals and a magnet for tourists.

Now it is under pressure again, this time from urban renewal. Earlier this year, the government backed down from a plan to move all the 150-odd stalls indoors beneath a new residential development by China Estates Holdings. The move was aimed at improving traffic flow after the new development opens. But it was opposed by the hawkers because it would have robbed the market of its traditional open-air colour and character.

The government still insists that roughly half the market must go, and is trying to find alternative outdoor sites for 86 stallholders. Local residents and shopkeepers have opposed the building of new stalls within the remainder of the market.

It is ironic that one reason for the forced move is to improve traffic flow - as it was 30 years ago - and that another is to improve the area's "environmental hygiene". Some may wonder which detracts more from environmental hygiene - increased traffic polluting the air or local residents' perception of the market as visual "pollution" of the neighbourhood.

The emasculation of the Wan Chai market amounts to sanitisation of the streetscape at the expense of an important example of the city's cultural heritage. Visitors to the city will not be the only losers. Hawkers in densely populated urban areas supply a service to low- income groups for which there is no comparable alternative.

We have a more serious environmental hygiene problem than street markets - air pollution, which poses serious public health issues and casts a shadow over economic development. Chief Executive Donald Tsang Yam-kuen will earn the gratitude of all if he uses his policy address to outline a more comprehensive plan for improving air quality. That would be more meaningful than cracking down on popular street markets.


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Thursday, September 21, 2006

US TREASURY SECRETARY
Mr Paulson goes to China


DON EVANS
   
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This week, Henry Paulson is making his first trip to China as US treasury secretary. But this is hardly his first visit to the mainland. Mr Paulson has made more than 70 visits  to the country over the past three decades.
When US President George W. Bush nominated him as treasury secretary, he gained not only one of Wall Street's most respected leaders, but one of the world's foremost experts on China.

Over the years, Mr Paulson has cultivated relationships with Chinese leaders that are second to none. They know him as someone they can do business with, and someone they trust to speak with them frankly. China has emerged as the world's fastest-growing economy and one of America's most important trading partners: Mr Paulson's expertise could not have come on the scene at a better time.

During his trip, he will emphasise the critical importance of continued reform and modernisation of the mainland's financial sector. Such reform would promote the country's sustainable growth over the long term, expanding its economic output by as much as 17 per cent - according to a McKinsey and Company survey. It is also a prerequisite to progress on the big issues that define America's economic relationship with China.

The first of these is currency reform. As Mr Paulson made clear in his confirmation hearing, in order to remove capital controls and move to a more freely floating exchange rate determined by market forces, China must have a modern, fully functioning, market-based financial system.

The second key issue is the trade deficit. Among the reasons that our trade deficit with China exists and continues to grow is because Chinese consumers save too much. A better consumer-credit system would unleash unmobilised savings by allowing mainland consumers to use loans to buy many of the big-ticket items for which they now must save.

A stronger consumer market in the mainland would lead to a greater demand for imports from the United States, and a lower trade deficit.

The third concern is a level playing field for American companies operating in the mainland. Too much of China's capital continues to flow to inefficient, nonproductive state enterprises rather than to the most productive borrowers. Further opening of the country's financial system to foreign institutions would inject world-class expertise and know-how regarding credit analysis, risk management and internal controls into China's financial markets. This would transform its economy, putting foreign companies on a fairer, market-oriented, competitive footing with local enterprises.

I recently travelled to Beijing to meet top business and government leaders. We discussed many of the same issues that will be on Mr Paulson's agenda: the critical importance of open commercial banking, capital, and insurance markets to promoting the consumption-led economic growth that China's leaders seek; the need for China to continue to meet its obligations under the World Trade Organisation; and the importance of further steps towards currency reform.

I know, from my own experience, that Chinese financial leaders understand that allowing greater reliance on market principles is in the best interest of the country's long-term growth, job creation and general well-being of its citizens.

Mr Paulson's task will be to continue to urge them to transform that insight into action.

The US and China together accounted for half of the world's economic growth over the past four years. Further, China is the fastest-growing market for US exports and the second largest source for American imports.

The fortunes of the two countries are undeniably linked.

Don Evans is former US commerce secretary and chief executive officer of the Financial Services Forum.



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IT IS DARKEST BEFORE DAWN.

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Friday, September 22, 2006

UNITED NATIONS MANDATES
Big talk, little commitment


ANNE-MARIE SLAUGHTER
   
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   The United Nations peacekeeping operations under way in Lebanon offer a big opportunity for the UN to demonstrate its relevance and impact on the world stage. If only those member states who claim to be the UN's biggest supporters would put their money where their mouths are.
Many world leaders, particularly those in Europe, decry the Bush administration's undermining of the UN, especially since 2003. Leaders in France expressed outrage when the US sidestepped the UN and invaded Iraq without the international community's blessing. Yet they stunned the world in August when they backed down from their promise to send 2,000 peacekeepers to intervene in southern Lebanon, and instead committed only 200.


Fortunately, France is reconsidering, while Germany will provide limited naval assistance and Italy has stepped up to contribute 3,000 peacekeepers. But Europe's response, like the US response in other cases, highlights a critical issue for all supporters of the UN and international institutions more generally. If we cannot do what it takes to make them more effective, we will increasingly find that nations will bypass them altogether.

UN Security Council Resolution 1701 calls for Israel and Lebanon to support a permanent ceasefire. It thus set the stage for UN officials to set out the rules of engagement for its peacekeepers. The rules dictate when, and under what circumstances, UN troops can fire their weapons to defend themselves. But, as the current UN mission in Lebanon well knows, defending yourself is not the same as preventing hostile fire in the first place.

But the need for rules of engagement is only the symptom of a deeper problem. The real issue is a yawning gap between paper and practice. In the heat of an international crisis, the security council passes resolutions to great public fanfare, establishing an official UN "mandate". But then the secretary-general is left, resolution in hand, to ask member states for the actual, tangible resources necessary to implement the action that has been commanded. In the overwhelming majority of cases, those resources fall far short of what is required to successfully intervene in a crisis.

A UN mandate review this year found that member states adopt hundreds of mandates each year - conferring "additional responsibilities with neither corresponding funds nor guidance" on how resources should be used. In American domestic politics, such commands from the US Congress to states are known as "unfunded mandates" - ordering results without providing the resources necessary to achieve them. It's political theatre: big headlines, small results. The mandate gap reflects the way the world has done business with the UN for decades: big promises, small pay-outs, and much scapegoating if the UN then fails.

The UN provides the mechanism for a global response, but it does not exist separately from its member states. It is up to those members to provide both the necessary will and the required resources. Otherwise, the UN is nothing more than a handy mechanism for outsourcing political blame.

Our commitment to bring peace to the Middle East, or Darfur, or Kosovo or Haiti, is not measured by our words, but by our wallets. The world gets what it pays for.

The author is dean of the Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs at Princeton University. Copyright: Project Syndicate



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IT IS DARKEST BEFORE DAWN.

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¤Þ¥Î:
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Friday, September 22, 2006

UNITED NATIONS MANDATES
Big talk, little commitment

ANNE-MARIE SLAUGHTER
   
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... The real issue is a yawning gap between paper and practice. In the heat of an international crisis, the security council passes resolutions to great public fanfare, establishing an official UN "mandate". But then the secretary-general is left, resolution in hand, to ask member states for the actual, tangible resources necessary to implement the action that has been commanded. In the overwhelming majority of cases, those resources fall far short of what is required to successfully intervene in a crisis ...
[¥i¼¦®a·AÉNª¤ !]

Thanks a lot, Brother ¤j¥Ð­^©ú ...  

I've been asked who writes for Mr. Bush's speeches. Do you have any information on this matter. ?  

Looking forward to viewing your article for this week ...
I'm a pipe-smoker ...

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Monday, September 25, 2006

OUT OF THE BOX
Off to a miserable start


KITTY POON
   
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   September is the month of stress. Surveys indicated that nearly 78 per cent of Hong Kong teachers feel stressed by their overwhelming workloads at the start of the school year. This month is also a time of immense anxiety for parents - especially those whose children must make the transition from kindergarten to primary school one year from now.
A friend of mine is a mother of two, and her older daughter will be eligible to study in a primary school next year. But the admission process begins this month, and the whole family has been mobilised to achieve one single goal - to send their lovely girl to a reputable primary school.


At the core of this daunting task is the application letter. To impress the prospective school, the parents have decided to write it in English, although that means hiring a professional editor.

Also central to the application is the emphasis on the personality of the young lady. Hence, a great number of relatives are being enlisted to describe her amiable characteristics in their reference letters.

Knowing that extracurricular activities are one of the criteria in the selection process, some parents enrol their children in various private lessons, such as drawing, singing, kung fu, and ballet, to build an impressive record.

The application exercise also involves an interview at the prospective school. It's widely known that schools are likely to ask about the patterns of family life. In order to demonstrate to the school that they take a keen interest in expanding their children's cultural and other experiences, parents have to ingeniously "engineer" family outings. This often involves taking their children on guided tours around Hong Kong, or joining tours to the mainland and Taiwan.

Some parents, especially those with demanding jobs, can't take all these measures. For them, the remedy may lie in tutorials to train their youngsters in giving model answers during school interviews.

It wouldn't be an exaggeration to say that enrolling your child in a reputable primary school in Hong Kong is equivalent to getting a top job with a Wall Street firm.

For many families, this admission exercise can take a heavy toll on finances - especially for those with modest incomes. It also places undue pressure on working parents, who have to invest a lot of time and energy. Further, it makes a mockery of the city's education system, which gives little thought to the value of personal growth.

It would be difficult to fully understand the true feelings of the children being put through this ludicrous enrolment process. But it was reported that more than 300 calls from disturbed students have been received by the Federation of Youth Group so far this month.

It's hard to imagine that children could go on to enjoy - and feel motivated in - their years in school, after such a terrifying experience at the beginning of their school life.

This corrosion of the genuine interest in learning will have significant implications for the personal development of our young children.

It will also eventually undermine their creativity, thus weakening the overall vibrancy of Hong Kong in the long run.

Kitty Poon, a research fellow at the Polytechnic University of Hong Kong, is a part-time member of the government's Central Policy Unit.



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Thank you Brother ¤j¥Ð­^©ú,

It is indeed a serious problem to many families in HK. I just hope that there will be a solution to it in the near future ....
I'm a pipe-smoker ...

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Tuesday, September 26, 2006

MISGUIDED ENERGY POLICY
An escape from Bush's future


JEFFREY SACHS
   
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It always comes back to oil. The continuing misguided interventions in the Middle East by the United States and Britain have their roots deep in the Arabian sand. Ever since Winston Churchill led the conversion of Britain's navy from coal to oil at the start of the last century, the western powers have meddled incessantly in the affairs of Middle Eastern countries to keep the oil flowing - toppling governments and taking sides in wars in the supposed "great game" of energy resources. But the game is almost over, because the old approaches are obviously failing.
Just when one is lulled into thinking that something other than oil is at the root of current US and British action in Iraq, reality pulls us back. Indeed, US President George W. Bush recently invited journalists to imagine the world 50 years from now. He did not have in mind the future of science and technology, a global population of 9 billion, or the challenges of climate change and biodiversity. Instead, he wanted to know whether Islamic radicals would control the world's oil.

Whatever we are worrying about in 50 years, this will surely be near the bottom of the list. Even if it were closer to the top, overthrowing Saddam Hussein to ensure oil supplies in 50 years ranks as the least plausible of strategies. Yet we know, from a range of evidence, that this is what was on Mr Bush's mind when his government shifted its focus from the search for Osama bin Laden to fighting a war in Iraq.


In any event, the war in Iraq will not protect the world's energy supplies in 50 years. If anything, it will threaten them by stoking the very radicalism it claims to be fighting. Genuine energy security will come not by invading and occupying the Middle East, or by attempting to impose pliant governments, but by recognising certain deeper truths about global energy.

First, energy strategy must satisfy three objectives: low cost, diverse supply and drastically reduced carbon-dioxide emissions. This will require massive investments in new technologies and resources, not a "fight to the finish" over Middle East oil. Important energy technology will include the conversion of coal to liquids (such as petrol and diesel), the use of tar sands and oil shale, and growth in non-fossil-fuel energy sources.

Indeed, there is excellent potential for low-cost solar power, zero-emitting coal-based technologies, and safe and reliable nuclear power. Solar radiation equals roughly 10,000 times our current energy use. We tap that solar power in many fundamental ways, but the possibilities are huge for a greatly increased use of inexpensive, widely available and environmentally friendly solar power.

Coal, like solar energy, is widely available. It is already inexpensive, but it is a major pollutant and a source of greenhouse-gas emissions. Yet these problems can be solved. Gasification of coal allows for the removal of dangerous pollutants, and coal can already be converted to liquid oil products at low cost; a South African company is beginning to bring that technology to China on a large scale. Nuclear power is yet another possibility for reliable and environmentally safe energy.

It is ironic that an administration fixated on the risks of Middle East oil has chosen to spend hundreds of billions of dollars to pursue unsuccessful military approaches to problems that should be solved at vastly lower cost, through research and development, regulation and market incentives. The biggest energy crisis of all, it seems, involves the misdirected energy of a US foreign policy built on war rather than scientific discovery and technological progress.

Jeffrey Sachs is a professor of economics and director of the Earth Institute at Columbia University. Copyright: Project Syndicate



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love you

live

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very good!

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thank you for sharing

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IT IS DARKEST BEFORE DAWN.

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Wednesday, September 27, 2006

EDITORIAL/LEADER
The big question: how small should government be?



   
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   Economist Milton Friedman hit the nail on the head when he said the four words "big market, small government" were fine but "it all depends on what you fill them with". As the debate continues on whether the catchy phrase adopted by the government is the same as "positive non-interventionism", there is a better question the community should be asking: what should the role of government be? We need to reach a consensus on the answer as it determines how "small" we want our government to be.
These days, even the most ardent free-market economists agree that unfettered capitalism is untenable, as the government needs to intervene in the markets to establish the ground rules and safeguard the public interest. What they differ on is the form and extent of such intervention.


Dr Friedman and his followers probably feel that our heavily subsidised, sizeable public housing and health-care programmes are blatant interventions in the market. But others, who feel the government should play a role in redistributing wealth, are of the view that Hong Kong is not doing nearly enough to narrow the wide gaps between the rich and the poor.

In fact, when and how extensively governments should intervene in business affairs has been an enduring theme in economic history. It is one over which wars have been fought, revolutions waged and, in the case of Hong Kong, rowdy demonstrations and spirited debates held.

Hong Kong has a low-tax regime and a policy of capping public spending at no more than 20 per cent of gross domestic product, compared with more than 40 per cent in many developed economies. The bulk of our budget is devoted to social spending on heavily subsidised education and welfare services, public housing for 30 per cent of the population and welfare for about 16 per cent.

Opinions are split on whether the government should do more or less. Some argue the size of our public sector is already too large as Hong Kong is a city that does not have to fund an army. Besides, unlike sovereign countries that have to maintain extensive diplomatic representations overseas, we run only a small number of economic and trade offices in key cities abroad and on the mainland. Others say Hong Kong should spend more on public services, although it is not always clear if they want the government to tax more and spend more, or cut existing services and use the savings on new ones.

Should the size of the public sector remain at less than 20 per cent of GDP? Or should it be expanded or reduced? Rather than dwelling on the semantic differences between "positive non-interventionism" and "big market, small government", these are the questions our officials and politicians should lead the public to debate. These are fundamental issues about what kind of a society we want Hong Kong to be and they are crucial to the making of tough decisions, such as whether to introduce a goods and services tax.


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Thx
IT IS DARKEST BEFORE DAWN.

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You certainly deserve a round of applause for all the effort !

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¤Þ¥Î:
­ì©«¥Ñ oldfella ©ó 2006-9-27 18:53 µoªí
You certainly deserve a round of applause for all the effort !
Agree  ......

Bravo, Brother ¤j¥Ð­^©ú !!!!!!!  
I'm a pipe-smoker ...

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Thursday, September 28, 2006

EDITORIAL/LEADER
A chance for Japan to change with the times



   
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   Japan's newly-elected Prime Minister Shinzo Abe is his country's first leader born since the end of the second world war, and the cabinet he has appointed is generally of the same generation. That such a government has come about says much of present-day Japan and the urgent challenges its politicians face.
Those matters, ranging from stabilising the economy, through rehabilitating state finances to dealing with a rapidly ageing population and improving relations with neighbouring countries, have long been the bane of successive Japanese governments. Resolving them will be important in moving the nation forward, but the solution will be no easier for a cabinet without war memories than it has been for those faced with the same problems and, as a rule, a decade or two older.


Nonetheless, perceptions are important in this juncture of Japan's history, just as in 2001 when Mr Abe's flamboyant predecessor, Junichiro Koizumi, took office.

Mr Koizumi, then 59, was seen as a breath of fresh air capable of rejuvenating the image of the factious ruling Liberal Democratic Party and taking on Japan's ills. In five years, he accomplished what previous prime ministers had thought impossible: confronting the party's old guard to push through economic reforms, most notably the privatisation of the savings and insurance giant Japan Post. Single-handedly, he also turned back the clock of progress on relations with China and South Korea, insisting on yearly visits to the Yasukuni shrine to remember Japan's war dead.

The new prime minister, 52, has made implementing a broad Asian diplomacy one of his cabinet's key tasks. How it will go about that given that Foreign Minister Taro Aso, also a conservative who challenged for the premiership, has retained his job is unclear. While Mr Abe has said he wants better ties with Beijing and Seoul, he has side-stepped whether he intends to go to Yasukuni while in office. Foreign policy under him will, for now, have to be a wait-and-see matter, although if he truly wishes what he claims, he can readily make that happen.

Foreign ties may yet be governed by domestic issues. Keeping the economy from slipping back into deflation while taking into account a declining population, the need for a sustainable social security system, dealing with the outstanding 770 trillion yen (HK$51.41 trillion) debt of the central and local governments and the urgency of education and immigration reform will keep the cabinet busy.

Mr Abe has also made replacing the pacifist constitution his goal. He envisages the document will lead the country away from what he terms a "post-war regime" and guide the nation's future.

Mr Koizumi broke the mould of Japanese leaders. With Mr Abe and his team representing a younger, more energetic breed of politician, an opportunity exists for Japan to change with the times.


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A chance for Japan to change with the times

¤Þ¥Î:
­ì©«¥Ñ ¤j¥Ð­^©ú ©ó 2006-9-28 08:06 µoªí
Thursday, September 28, 2006

EDITORIAL/LEADER
A chance for Japan to change with the times
   
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. . . . . . . . . .

Mr Abe has also made replacing the pacifist constitution his goal. He envisages the document will lead the country away from what he terms a "post-war regime" and guide the nation's future.

Mr Koizumi broke the mould of Japanese leaders. With Mr Abe and his team representing a younger, more energetic breed of politician, an opportunity exists for Japan to change with the times
------------------------------------------------------ ...
History always repeats itself. What happened to Mr Koizumi will highly probable to guide Mr. Abe's path soon. Those pulling the string remain the same group of old men behind the scene .....
I'm a pipe-smoker ...

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Friday, September 29, 2006

US INTELLIGENCE REPORT
Face the grim truth about Iraq


DAVID IGNATIUS
   
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   No matter how you slice it, the US National Intelligence Estimate warning that the Iraq war has spawned more terrorism is big trouble for US President George W. Bush and his party in this election year. It goes to the heart of Mr Bush's argument for invading Iraq, which was that it would make America safer.
Many Democrats act as if that's the end of the discussion: a mismanaged occupation has created a breeding ground for terrorists, so we should withdraw and let the Iraqis sort out the mess. Some extreme war critics are so angry at Mr Bush that they seem almost eager for America to lose, to prove a political point. Even among mainstream Democrats, the focus is "gotcha!" rather than "what next?" That is understandable, but it isn't right.


The issue raised by the intelligence report is much grimmer than the domestic political game. Iraq has fostered a new generation of terrorists. The question is what to do about that threat. How can America prevent Iraq from becoming a new safe haven? How does America restabilise a Middle East that today is dangerously unbalanced because of Washington's blunders in Iraq?

This should be the Democrats' moment, if they can translate the national anger over Iraq into a coherent strategy for the future. But with a few notable exceptions, they are mostly ducking the hard question of what to do next.


Here's a reality check for the Democrats: there is not a single country in the Middle East, with the possible exception of Iran, that favours a rapid American pullout from Iraq. Why? The consensus in the region is that a retreat now would have disastrous consequences for America and its allies. Yet withdrawal is the Iraq strategy you hear from most congressional Democrats, whether they call it "strategic redeployment" or something else.

I wish Democrats - and Republicans, for that matter - were asking this question: how do we prevent Iraq from becoming a failed state? Many critics of the war would argue that the worst has already happened - Iraq has already unravelled. Unfortunately, as bad as things are, they could get considerably worse. Following a rapid American pullout, Iraq could descend into a full-blown civil war, with the Sunni-Shi'ite violence spreading outward throughout the region.

In this chaos, oil supplies could be threatened, sending the price of oil well above US$100 a barrel. Turkey, Iran and Jordan would intervene to protect their interests.

The Democrat who has tried hardest to think through these problems is Senator Joseph Biden. He argues that the current government of national unity isn't succeeding in holding Iraq together, and that America should instead embrace a policy of "federalism plus" that will devolve power to the Shi'ite, Sunni and Kurdish regions. Iraqis are already voting for sectarian solutions, Senator Biden argues, and America won't stabilise Iraq unless it aligns its policy with this reality.

Iraq has compounded Muslim rage and created a dangerous crisis for the United States. The damage of Iraq can be mitigated only if it again becomes the nation's war - with the whole country invested in finding a way out of the morass that doesn't leave us permanently in greater peril. If the Democrats could lead that kind of debate about security, they would become the nation's governing party.

David Ignatius is a Washington Post columnist.



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US INTELLIGENCE REPORT

It¡¦s hard to think of a president and an administration ever in the American history more devoted to secrecy than President Bush and his team. If not when it suits Mr. Bush and the Republican camp politically, it is difficult to believe that the public will ever be given a glimpse of those secrets.

But the three declassified pages from what is certainly a voluminous report did not tell us anything more than what any American with a newspaper, television or Internet connection should have already known. The invasion of Iraq was a catastrophic disaster. The current situation will get worse if American forces leave. However, the crucial issue of a suggestion about how to avoid that inevitable disaster was neither provided in the report nor by the president.

But one of the key findings of the National Intelligence Estimate, which represents the consensus of the 16 intelligence agencies, was quite clear that the war in Iraq has greatly increased the threat from terrorism by ¡§shaping a new generation of terrorist leaders and operatives.¡¨

It listed the war in Iraq as the second most important factor in the spread of terrorism ¡X after ¡§entrenched grievances such as corruption, injustice and fear of Western domination.¡¨ And that was before April, when the report was completed. Since then, things have got much worse.

But then why the Bush Administration decided to share this piece of information with his U.S. citizens ?

The New York Times claimed as follows : Mr. Bush decided to release this small, selected chunk of the report in reaction to an article on the intelligence assessment that appeared in The Times over the weekend. As a defense of his policies, it serves only to highlight the maddening circular logic that passes for a White House rationale. It goes like this: The invasion of Iraq has created an entire new army of terrorists who will be emboldened by an American withdrawal. Therefore, the United States has to stay indefinitely and keep fighting those terrorists.

By that logic, the more the United States fights, the longer the war stretches on.

Disclosure of the classified report, and Bush's subsequent move to make public portions of it, has had broad political ramifications. The escalating debate over national security reflects the belief among strategists in both parties that the terrorism issue works to their benefit. The question is how voters will interpret each side's arguments.

For Republicans, the report provides more evidence that Iraq is central to the war on terrorism and can't be abandoned without giving jihadists a crucial victory. Republicans have also sought to portray Democrats as inadequate to the job of protecting the nation, pursuing an election-year strategy of trying to mobilize conservative voters in key districts by arguing that Democrats would "cut and run" from Iraq and thus embolden terrorists.

And for Democrats, it furthers their argument that the 2003 Iraq invasion has inflamed anti-U.S. sentiments in the Muslim world and left the U.S. less safe. Democrats, citing shrinking public support for Bush and the Iraq war in some recent polls, have tried to portray the administration as incompetent.   

On the other hand, this incidence also brought out the wisdom of Mr. Rumsfield and his art of debating over this issue in his following remarks :

(Rumsfeld did not specifically criticize or address the controversial intelligence report, but instead commented more broadly about the terrorist question that has gripped the political world since the report was disclosed last week.

"Are more terrorists being created in the world? We don't know. The world doesn't know," said Rumsfeld, adding that there are no good ways to measure "The world doesn't know. There aren't good ways to measure how many terrorists are being trained at camps around the world.") ¡K¡K.

(Rumsfeld said any specific comments on the report should come from Bush. But he added that while it's hard to know how many terrorist are being created, officials have a better idea how many have been killed or captured.)
¡K¡K

There was offered a split-screen debate between each party's most influential leader this week with Clinton's appearance Sunday and Bush's news conference Tuesday.

Clinton accused Bush of spending billions of dollars in Iraq while losing focus on capturing Bin Laden in or near Afghanistan. "If I were still president, we'd have more than 20,000 troops there trying to kill him."

Clinton also criticised Bush's broader agenda of promoting democracy overseas, in particular, in Middle East, subtly contesting the president's frequent argument that free elections in Iraq and Afghanistan were signs of progress.  "Democracy is about way more than majority rule," "Democracy is about minority rights, individual rights, restraints on power."

Bush on Tuesday declined to respond directly to Clinton's comments even though "I've watched all this finger-pointing and naming of names, and all that stuff," Bush said. "Our objective is to secure the country¡K. So I'm not going to comment on other comments."

If we look at what happened in Taiwan and Thailand recently, we must admit that Bush-style of democracy has proved to be successful on the voting day of presidential election in these two S.E. Asian countries but unfortunately short-lived. It has failed in Thailand. What will happen in Taiwan remains to be seen. But from what happened in Iraq, we can foretell that the current Taiwan political turmoil will simply drag on and on and on ..............

[ ¥»©«³Ì«á¥Ñ taurus ©ó 2006-9-29 06:26 PM ½s¿è ]
I'm a pipe-smoker ...

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Tuesday, October 3, 2006

EDITORIAL/LEADER
Building design has key role to play in recycling



   
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   The Environmental Protection Department's proposal to amend building regulations in a bid to encourage the separation and recycling of domestic waste deserves support. It aims to make it easier for people to participate in recycling and, in this way, help develop a more sustainable lifestyle.
Officials want to change the building code to ensure that every residential building has a purpose-built room on every floor for the collection of rubbish, providing residents easier access to segregated recycling bins.



Generating as little waste as possible is an essential component of the sustainable society that Hong Kong must try to achieve. But doing it is not as easy as it sounds in this space-challenged city.

This has been illustrated by a pilot scheme that aimed to encourage housing estates to sort and recycle their waste. After expanding at a rapid rate to cover 420 housing estates accommodating about 26 per cent of the population, the scheme has failed to expand further. Those that have failed to join up are not averse to the scheme, but are barred from participating by the physical constraints of the buildings in which they live.

The amazing fact that has so far escaped attention, so far as policy-making is concerned, is that most residential buildings in Hong Kong do not have built-in facilities for handling waste. Garbage bins are typically placed at staircase platforms as an afterthought, sometimes at the risk of breaching fire safety rules. There is simply no space for putting several bins on each floor for separately collecting recyclable waste such as plastic, aluminium cans and paper, as well as waste that cannot be recycled.

At many buildings, the rubbish collection process is also very unhygienic. As they are not fitted with service lifts or disposal shafts, waste collectors with their trolleys use residents' lifts for carrying rubbish. The only exceptions are public housing blocks, which have purpose-built collection rooms on every floor, connected by shafts.

The lack of attention to rubbish disposal facilities at housing estates would likely change if the government were to impose a garbage fee to encourage people to embrace recycling. Reducing waste and fostering recycling by imposing a green tax is sound. But the idea would be socially and politically more acceptable if buildings were designed to facilitate waste separation and recycling.

The Buildings Department has made efforts to make buildings more environmentally friendly by reviewing its requirements and encouraging the inclusion of so-called green features.


For the sake of both cleaner living and waste reduction, the Environmental Protection Department's advice should be heeded. Purpose-built rooms for rubbish collection should become standard features in new buildings, and help provided to make such space in old buildings.


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Thanks for sharing.

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"Democracy is about way more than majority rule," "Democracy is about minority rights, individual rights, restraints on power."

Certainly some food for thought !

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¤Þ¥Î:
­ì©«¥Ñ oldfella ©ó 2006-10-3 18:14 µoªí
"Democracy is about way more than majority rule," "Democracy is about minority rights, individual rights, restraints on power."

Certainly some food for thought !
Certainly some food for thought and our stomach as well !  

Presently reading Larry Diamond's past papers, try to extact one of these which will be applicable to HK .....
I'm a pipe-smoker ...

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